?

Log in

No account? Create an account

The University of Washington Philippine American Dialogue and Discourse

Thursday, April 27, 2006

11:18PM - 20 Filipinos, 20 Years after People Power:

TWENTY YEARS ago, at the height of the people power revolt, Imelda Marcos, then holed up in Malacañang with her anxious family and a phalanx of remaining loyal troops, contemplated the possibility of her imminent, and vertiginous, fall. At about the same time, Cory Aquino, who had returned to Manila after taking shelter in a Carmelite convent in Cebu when the uprising broke out, was insisting to worried family and friends that she should join the throng that had gathered at Edsa despite the security problems that would pose.

While all this was going on, Bernabe ‘Ka Dante’ Buscayno, the legendary founder of the New People’s Army who had been rotting in a Marcos prison inside Camp Crame, was glued to his radio, following the events taking place just outside his cell and fervently wishing, “Please, please, let this end, let Marcos fall.”

Not far away but lost among the crowd that massed up outside Camp Crame was Nanay Mameng Deunida, a diminutive laundrywoman and feisty community leader from the teeming Manila slum of Leveriza. She was at Edsa as she had been in numerous other protests against Marcos. Sister Luz Soriano, an Assumption nun, was there, too, preparing sandwiches when the tanks came. She thought she would die in Edsa, but the soldiers manning the armored vehicles were daunted by the crowd of unarmed civilians before them and refused to fire.

Chito Gascon, then president of the University of the Philippines student council, was among the many young people who joined the revolt. He, too, thought that the end was near when the helicopter gunships hovered overhead, aiming at the crowd below. Instead, the pilots turned around, landed, and joined the rebel troops at the camp. Joe Concepcion, a wealthy industrialist who helped organize the election watchdog Namfrel was at Edsa as well, basking in the warmth of a celebratory crowd, some of whom hoisted the robust businessman on their shoulders while joyously shouting, “Namfrel! Namfrel!” Atom Araullo was then only three years old, but he was there, too, carried not by a jubilant crowd but by his activist parents who were eager to see Marcos go.

From February 22 to 25, 1986, the lives—and fates—of all these disparate men and women were tied together by what was taking place on a strip of highway. No other event in the last 20 years has brought Filipinos together like Edsa has. Whoever they were and wherever they came from, these men and women shared Edsa and they would remember it for the rest of their lives.

To many of those who were there, Edsa was a defining experience that determined the choices they would later make. The leaders of the military rebellion that set off the revolt—Gen. Fidel Ramos, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, and Lt. Col. Gringo Honasan—were right in the center of the action in the two military camps on Edsa, and they would emerge powerful figures when the uprising ended, defining the nature and character of the democratic regime that followed.

Rene Saguisag, like other human-rights lawyers who fought Marcos, was advising Cory Aquino as she got ready for the presidency, and he, like his other lawyer-friends, would end up holding important posts in her government. They, too, sought to influence the course of the democracy that was re-established at Edsa, but did not always succeed.

Eggie Apostol was keeping her friend, the defense minister’s wife Cristina, company in hiding during the revolt while still publishing the fighting Philippine Daily Inquirer. The spunky daily would later emerge as the country’s largest and most influential newspaper.

Tessy Ang See and her husband, then seriously ill with cancer, were collecting food and money from Chinese-Filipino businessmen who discreetly supported the uprising. Chin Ben See would die a few months later, but the tumultuous years that followed would also see the rise of the Tsinoy business community to the heights of the Philippine economy, with Tessy Ang See there to act as their spokesperson as kidnappers targeted the new kings of post-Edsa prosperity.

Even those who weren’t physically at Edsa were profoundly touched by it. Raymundo Jarque, then a senior army officer in Pampanga, barricaded the highway with priests and nuns to prevent Marcos loyalists in the North from moving reinforcements to Manila. Nur Misuari, the fiery leader of the Moro secessionist movement, was then in exile in Libya, praying to his God for the same thing that the atheist Buscayno was. Romeo Intengan, the Jesuit who had fled the country six years earlier to escape Imelda Marcos’s wrath, was also in exile, albeit in Spain, and he, too, was making the same fervent prayer. Meanwhile, back home, contemplative nuns were on their knees in their convents; Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin had told them, “Stretch out your arms and pray and fast and don’t eat solidly until I tell you. We are in battle and you are the powerhouses. And the moment we do not win the battle, you will have to fast until the end of your life.”

All these supplications must have helped for certainly the gods seemed to have smiled at Filipinos then. Not a drop of blood was spilled on Edsa. Instead the uprising was picnic, fiesta, religious festival, and carnival rolled into one.

IT IS SAID that nearly a million Filipinos massed up on Edsa to oust the dictator. It was one of the most stirring moments in contemporary Philippine history, one much admired throughout the world. Filipinos still think they set the template for “People Power,” peaceful revolutions that have ended entrenched authoritarian regimes and brought about democracy.

Yet today, 20 years later, many Filipinos are also asking themselves what Edsa was all about. What did it accomplish? Two decades later, the country finds itself mired in political crisis, seemingly in a state of democratic decay. In 1986, a popular uprising took place just weeks after a fraudulent election. Today we are in the midst of another crisis sparked by election cheating. What went wrong? What went right? How have Filipino lives changed? What did Edsa mean?

These are difficult questions but some of the answers can be found in the lives of the 20 Filipinos featured here. The paths they have taken provide a map of what the country has been through since People Power, edition one.

The 20 Filipinos in this issue include some of the main players at Edsa, but many are ordinary individuals who led extraordinary lives and made brave choices before and after 1986. Our choices for the Edsa 20 were not random ones: while they were partly determined by the availability of the interviewees, the 20 featured in this issue were chosen because theirs are interesting and important stories. Each story that is told here is but one thread of a complex tapestry, but each narrative is also part of a broader pattern.

Jim Paredes’s tale, for example, is as much his story as it is of others like him. In the years immediately before Edsa, he and the rest of the Apo Hiking Society band—Danny Javier and Buboy Garrovillo—were staging what could be described as rallies disguised as concerts. They wrote and sang songs that spoke of the growing rage against a tyrannical regime. During Edsa, Paredes helped out TV host June Keithley at the underground Radyo Bandido, which was broadcasting news of the uprising. He would later compose a tribute to Filipino greatness that became the Edsa anthem.

In 1989, after an attempted coup that nearly toppled the Aquino government, Paredes went to the U.S. Embassy and gave up his green card, a symbolic act that affirmed his faith in country and democracy. But like many among the young, ambitious, and talented middle class who were part of People Power, that faith is now severely eroded. This year, on the 20th anniversary of Edsa, he is migrating with his family to Australia.

Nanay Mameng was in Edsas 1 and 2, and in rallies and protests before, between, and after both events. Like many of her neighbors in Leveriza, her life has not improved. Every day is still a struggle for survival, and Nanay Mameng is still fighting for a better life.

But others are better off now than they were in February 1986. Imelda Marcos survived The Fall and is back in the social scene, shopping, partying, and singing. The former Marcos cronies aren’t doing too badly either. As for Enrile, his businesses have expanded and he is senator, as was Gringo for three terms. While both men regret having turned over power to Aquino in 1986, they are certainly none the worse off now. Ramos became president in 1992 and still acts like he is one today. Eggie Apostol has since sold the Inquirer, but for sure, the media industry, which experienced a post-Edsa boom, became one of the biggest beneficiaries of the democratic restoration and is now political kingmaker.

So is the military, which, thanks to Edsa, still exercises veto power over our vulnerable democracy. The Roman Catholic Church, which mobilized crowds for the revolt, remains equally powerful, though the absence of Cardinal Sin, who died last year, seems to have rendered it unable to speak with one voice as it did during Edsa. The Moros had hoped that Edsa would be kinder to them than Marcos was, but that has not always turned out to be so. Nur Misuari, for one, enjoyed a comeback after Edsa but has been kept in prison by a democratic government for the last four years.

The Left, meanwhile, was divided by democracy. While thousands of its cadres were released from prisons after Edsa, the Communist Party was decimated by the defections that followed. Today, it is slowly regaining strength and many communists remain true to the faith. But many others like ex-guerilla Cecilia Flores Oebanda have blazed a different trail, pioneering in NGO work aimed at helping the exploited and dispossessed. The success of the NGO sector is certainly part of the good news made possible by Edsa.

TODAY THE luster of Edsa has been somewhat lost. For sure, the democracy we have re-established is flawed; the society that we have built since is divided; the gap between the rich and the poor remains yawning. We need only to drive down potholed, polluted, and traffic-choked Edsa to see this.

It doesn’t help that an oversized billboard of chat-show queen Kris Aquino stripped down to her underwear has taken over the Edsa skyline. In another portion of Edsa, the fashion model Borgy Manotoc is similarly displayed. Twenty years ago, the teenaged Kris kept her mother Cory company in a convent as People Power burst out into the streets; Borgy was a toddler hiding in a closet in Malacañang with mom Imee as the Marcoses prepared for The Fall.

Is this how it all ends, one wonders, all the drama and history of the past 20 years lost to the glitter of advertising and the glamour of celebrity?

But then there are still many of us who remember how it was then. “Edsa was like a new dawn for me,” says the once-hardened communist Buscayno. Tears still well up in Joe Concepcion’s eyes when he relives those days. Even Enrile and Misuari cannot remain unmoved.

Edsa was our Camelot, our brief shining moment. It may well also be a constant reminder of promises unfulfilled, hopes dashed, and expectations unmet, but nothing that happened afterward can take away from the glory of those four days. Edsa showed us our potential for greatness, even if the days and the years that followed also revealed to us our capacity for greed, divisiveness, and hate.

Certainly the fault does not lie with Edsa, or with Filipinos as a people. The well of greatness lies within us. We have yet to tap its full potential. — Sheila S. Coronel

Tuesday, April 4, 2006

2:12AM - Group Agenda for Spring 2006

The meeting/discussion is tomorrow at 330 check below for the room assignment,
and Professor Rafael would also like to meet everyone and finalize the topic of
discussion for the following week after the talk tomorrow so, if you can please
stick around. I have also included the tentative schedule for the rest of April
and the first week of May. Please note these dates and differt times, and shoot
me an email if you have any questions. See you all tomorrow! --Carmel

********************************************************************************
Date: Tomorrow, April 4
Location: Thomson Hall 317
Time: 3:30-5:00pm
Discussion: Transcultural Battlefields: Recent Japanese Translations of
Philippine Studies, Professor Yoshiko Nagano (Kanagawa University,
Japan)


Date: Tuesday, April 11
Location: Suzallo Study Room 334
Time: 4:00-5:30pm
Discussion: History, current events, post-Aquino and nationalist movements in
the Philippines (can still be changed depending on what you guys
want), Professor Vince Rafael (University of Washington)


Date: Thursday, April 20 (note not on Tuesday!)
Location: Smith Hall 115
Time: 3:30-5:20pm
Discussion: The Anti-Marcos Movement and the Question of 'Orientation',
Professor Augusto Espiritu (University of Illinois,
Champagne-Urbana)

Date: Friday, April 21
Location: TBA
Time: 3:30-4:30pm
Discussion: Again up to suggestion and if people are available, I would like to
take this opportunity to get a dialogue going with Prof. Espiritu for just us as
PADD unlike the community event happening on Thursday. He will also be joined
by Prof. Rafael during this discussion. And since, tentatively, there will be
two meetings this week, there will be no PADD meeting the following week of
April 24-28.


Date: Tuesday, May 2
Location: TBA
Time: 4:00-5:30pm
Discussion: "Listen closely, yo, I got a story to tell": The Black Eyed Peas,
Postcolonial Hip Hop, and Remembering Filipino Diaspora(s), Rachel
Devitt, Graduate Student Ethnomusicology (University of Washington)

Wednesday, March 29, 2006

12:22PM - article

lemme know what you think about the article below.


Don't Cry For Me, Pilipinas
GLIMPSES
Jose Ma. Montelibano

As we experience the travails of Philippine politics, we witness the active
polarization of its civil, business, religious and military society.
Politicians are, indeed, a powerful lot. When they go into their tantrums,
all other Filipinos go in convulsions.

Many have taken sides, of course, and the airwaves, newspapers and text
messaging markets are rife with partisan commentaries. It seems to be a
prelude to a disintegration of Philippine society, and government along with
it, of course. The truth is, however, that only a small minority, maybe even
miniscule, are actively playing while the rest watch uneasily.

After all, Philippine society, whether it is in politics, business or
religion, dances to the tune of that minority. I hesitate to call it "elite"
because its behavior has much to be desired and would quite be insulting to
the true sense of what "elite" means. But powerful and wealthy this minority
may be, it stands on very weak and delicate ground. And that ground is the
majority poor.

In fact, all of Philippine society is carried by that weak foundation whom
we call the majority poor. By the creative use of statistics and definitions
official figures on poverty make it appear that it is less than 40%. By
their own standards, however, 60% Filipinos say they are poor. And by the
standards of developed nations, over 80% of Filipinos may be considered poor
What is most important is to recognize how weak our social foundation is,
how like shifting sands the Filipino poor are, yet all of society is
grounded on them.

Many countries that are now considered developed democracies experienced
decades, if not centuries, of changing paradigms before they achieved
democratic values and lifestyles. By comparison, it is not strange that we
find the Philippines less democratic than it is oligarchic. The only problem
is that we do not acknowledge it to be so. We keep imagining a democracy
that is not yet, and assuming feudalism is lost when it continues to linger.

Many Filipinos who have discovered the email phenomenon now use the Internet
to the hilt by profusely sharing views, commentaries and advocacy. Email is
particularly beneficial to Filipinos abroad who use the Internet as a
communications highway to their relatives and friends. The pulsations of
nostalgia and the stirrings of patriotism are served well by email which
acts like a staging area prior to more physical activities.

The ease by which Filipinos can communicate here and abroad has politicized
most of those who avail of the Internet and email. Text messaging has
intensified this politicization, and no threat of emergency rule or martial
law can reverse what is not only a global pattern but a cultural
predisposition of Filipinos. Yet, with all of the trimmings of technological
advances which already imagine the colonization of other planets, Filipinos
find themselves mired in poverty and corruption.

The hold of the old and the pull of the new keep the Philippines in the
center of a tug of war. We are a people and nation traumatized and stunted
by a colonial history that defies proper closure. We are supposed to be an
independent nation, yet we are impoverished and caught in the pattern of
exploitative leaderships internally and vulnerable to the more greedy
machinations of economic globalization. We are in the 21st century but
politically and economically living in the 19th.

I am sure that, in retrospect, other nations had found themselves in similar
positions at their own moment of change or shifts from one era to another.
Transitioning is a constant movement in the life of people and nations, and
highlights or milestones mark the more dramatic stages. Ours is being marked
today. We are in the eye of our storm, in the center of our shift, and in
catharsis as we should be when we are on the brink of a quantum leap, or a
violent purging.

If I were only to look at politicians or public officials, it will not be
difficult to anticipate that we will first be consumed by the aggression of
societal sectors in conflict. The lack of vision and charisma among leaders
and the consequent lack of inspiration among Filipinos deny us both
direction and attitude. But conventional parameters are themselves
threatened by the undeniable angst for idealism and freedom by the young and
the impact of technological advances on a whole humanity. We might be on the
verge of a historical breakthrough and only suffering the fear of the
unknown.

There are key indicators that spark not only hope but optimism itself. While
poverty and corruption still dominate the landscape, many among the present
generation are now accepting of the mess they have contributed to making and
finding the courage to reform their perspective and behavior. At the same
time, the more educated among the young are actively seeking their rightful
place in an honorable and dignified environment where their ideals as well
as their talents can find harmony in the same workplace.

It could be the end of traditional politics, or it could be the beginning of
the painful and forced collapse of Philippine society. In the hearts and
hands of the younger generations, of those in their mid teens to their mid
forties, lie the secret of our tomorrow. I personally feel an
uncharacteristic confidence that all will be well, that we experience today
only the spasms of a dying feudal and oligarchic society unwilling to accept
death quietly.

If the only constant reality is change, then moments of destiny are always
about great change. No one has to cry for Pilipinas because our moment of
destiny has come. We are all invited to be investors in the formation of the
new Pilipino, free and responsible, capable and sacrificing, caring of
country and respectful of his fellowman - and not fearful of anything except
the wrath of his God. ***